By chris thomas

Oaxaca. The name, for many, has only recently emerged from the mountains of southern Mexico after brutal state repression against the striking teachers of Section XXII of the National Educational Workers Union (SNTE , by its spanish initials) on June 14th of this year triggered massive a social mobilization that is testing the social and political fabric of Mexican society. Its capital, Oaxaca City, has been occupied since the strike began on May 22nd, and since the emergence of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO , by its spanish initials) the number of blockades has only increased as strikers currently occupy the nearly 2,000 blockades in the city's streets. But how is it that the APPO - made up of some 400 social organizations, collectives, and individuals - formed so spontaneously in the wake of the repression on June 14th? The answer goes further back than May 22nd of this year, and lays both in the history of the teacher's movement, and the growing contradictions in Oaxacan and Mexican society.
Despite its abundant natural resources, beautiful beaches, and booming tourist industry, Oaxaca is the second poorest state in Mexico - Chiapas being the poorest - with more than 73% of its population living in extreme poverty, unable to cover basic dietary needs. One of the most culturally diverse states in Mexico, Oaxaca is home to 16 different indigenous groups, 38% of its 3.5 million inhabitants identify as native speakers and, as is the case throughout the Americas, the majority of whom are disproportionately burdened with poverty. Far from an anomaly, the antagonisms in Oaxaca are but a microcosm of those lived throughout Mexico, and in understanding the current situation it is imperative that they be addressed.
While poverty continues to increase, Oaxaca remains in the sights of many multinationals and the federal government - its rich natural resources earmarked for exploitation, and the coast for tourism and trade. These contradictions are not new to Oaxaca, and its dismal human rights record reveals they have historically been mediated - and likely exacerbated - by the state government's use of force in fierce repression against social movements. By looking at the history of the teachers' movement and the track record of current governor, Ulises Ruíz (whose resignation is the primary demand of the teachers' movement and APPO alike), these contradictions, along with their damning implications in the national political context, can be better understood.